（翻页为尾注）

1 “Beijing,” which means “Northern Capital;” was not the capital of China in the 1930s and 1940s, and was then called “Beiping,” or “Peiping” in the Wade-Giles transliteration. I refer to this city as Beijing for the sake of consistency. I use pinyin transliterations, except when quoting directly from sources transliterated in the Wade-Giles format, although I give both transliterations the first time I refer to Chinese places or names.

2 For a sampling of press coverage of the recent rape and protests in Okinawa, see Andrew Pollack, “Rape Case in Japan Turns Harsh Light on U.S. Military,” New York Times, Sept. 20, 1995; Pollack, “Okinawa Governor Takes On Both Japan and U.S.,” ibid., Oct. 5, 1995; Sheryl WuDunn, “Rage Grows in Okinawa Over U.S. Military Bases,” ibid., Nov. 4, 1995; Nicholas Kristof, “Welcome Mat Is Wearing Thin for G.I.’s in Asia,” ibid., Dec. 3, 1995; “The Women of Japan Again Appeal to the Peace-Loving People of the World,” ibid., April 12, 1996, A25. For documents, in English translation, of the protests of Okinawana women against the rape and against the continued presence of GIs, see Takazato Suzuyo, “Enough is Enough!” AMPO: Japan Asia Quarterly Review, 26 (Sept. 1995), 3-5; “An Appeal for the Recognition of Women’s Human Rights,” ibid., 27 (May 1996), 48. See also Rick Mercier, “Lessons from Okinawa,” ibid., 27 (May 1996), 24-31; Muto Ichiyo, “The LDP’s Election ‘Victory,’” ibid., 27 (Jan. 1997), 2-7; and Nicholas Kristof, “Okinawa Vote Rejects New U.S. Military Base,” New York Times, Dec. 22, 1997. On protests in response to an earlier rape in Okinawa, see “Offenses by GIs Stir Okinawans,” New York Times, June 21, 1970, p. 8, and U.S. Embassy, Tokyo, Political Section, Daily Summary of Japanese Press, Jan. 6, 1971.

Elizabeth Heineman, “The Hour of the Woman: Memories of Germany’s ‘Crisis Years’ and West German National Identity,” American Historical Review,1 01 (1996), 354-395; the special issue of October,72 (Spring 1995) on “Berlin 1945- War and Rape”; Norman Naimark, The Russians in Germany: A History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation, 1945-1949 (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), chapter 2; Yuki Tanaka, Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II (Boulder, Colo., 1996), chapter 3; Nicoletta Gullace, “Sexual Violence and Family Honor: British Propaganda and International Law During the First World War,” American Historical Review, 102 (1997), 714-747; Cynthia Enloe, Does Khaki Still Become You? The Militarization of Women’s Lives (Berkeley, forthcoming), chapter 4.

On sexual relations more generally between U.S. soldiers and civilian women outside the continental United States, see Petra Goedde, “From Villains to Victims: Fraternization and the Feminization of Germany, 1945-1947,” Diplomatic History, 23 (1999), 1-20; John Willoughby, “The Sexual Behavior of American GIs During the Early Years of the Occupation of Germany,” Journal of Military History, 62 (1998), 155-174; David Reynolds, Rich Relations: The American Occupation of Britain, 1942-1945 (New York, 1995); Sonya Rose, “Sex, Citizenship, and the Nation in World War II Britain,” American Historical Review, 103 (1998), 1147-1176; Beth Bailey and David Farber, The First Strange Place: The Alchemy of Race and Sex in World War II Hawaii (New York, 1992).

On the involvement of U.S. soldiers in a postwar culture of prostitution in Asia, see Saundra Pollock Sturdevant and Brenda Stoltzfus, eds., Let the Good Times Roll: Prostitution and the U.S. Military in Asia (New York, 1993), and Katharine H. S. Moon, Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S.-Korea Relations ( New York, 1997).

An investigation of the Chinese protests of 1946-1947 also provides important background for the Chinese nationalist upsurge that followed the NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in the spring of 1999. For one of the better articles in the U.S. mass media on those more recent protests, see Melinda Liu, “Wounded Pride: Rage in Beijing,” Newsweek, 133 (May2 4, 1999), 30-32.

4 Suzanne Pepper, Civil War in China: The Political Struggle, 1945-1949 (Berkeley, 1978), 52-58; Jeffrey Wasserstrom, Student Protests in Twentieth Century China: The View from Shanghai (Stanford, Calif., 1991), 139-142, 261-263; Lincoln Li, Student Nationalism in China, 1924-1949 (Albany, N.Y., 1994), 131-135; Jessie Lutz, “The Chinese Student Movement of 1945-1949″ Journal of Asian Studies, 31 (1971), 89-110; Joseph K. S. Yick, “The Communist-Nationalist Political Struggle in Beijing During the Marshall Mission Period,” in Larry Bland, ed., George C. Marshall’s Mediation Mission to China, December 1945-January 1947 (Lexington, Va., 1998), 357-388; Yick, Making Urban Revolution in China: The CCP-GMD Struggle for Beiping-Tianjin, 1945-1949 (Armonk, N.Y., 1995), esp. 96-102; Zhiguo Yang, “U.S. Marines in Qingdao: Society, Culture, and China’s Civil War 1945-1949,” in Ziaobing Li and Hongshan Li, eds., China and the United States: A New Cold War History (Lanham, Md., 1998); and especially James Cook, “Penetration and Neocolonialism: The Shen Chong Rape Case and the Anti-American Student Movement of 1946-47,” Republican China, 22 (1996), 65-97, but note that Cook rendered the names of the rapist and his accomplice incorrectly. For analyses of recent Chinese publications on these issues, especially through memoirs of participants, see works by Wasserstrom and Yick cited above.

5 For a contemporary pamphlet that analyzed this case, see Thurston Griggs, Americans in China: Some Chinese Views (Washington, D.C., 1948), esp. 7-14, 25-30. For memoirs by U.S. diplomats that discuss it, see John Robinson Beal, Marshall in China (Garden City, N.Y., 1970), 344-346; John F. Melby, The Mandate of Heaven: Record of a Civil War, China 1945-49 (Toronto, 1968); and John Leighton Stuart, Fifty Years in China (New York, 1954), 44-45.

For treatment of postwar Marine Corps activities in China, see Henry Shaw, Jr., The United States Marines in North China, 1945-1949 (Washington, D.C., 1960), and Benis Frank and Henry Shaw, Jr., Victory and Occupation: History of U.S. Marine Corps Operations in World War II (5 vols., Washington, D.C., 1968), vol. 5. For the standard overviews of U.S.-China relations during this period, see Michael Schaller, The United States and China in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1990); Warren Cohen,  America’s Response to China: An Interpretative History of Sino-American Relations (New York, 1980); Dorothy Borg and Waldo Heinrichs, eds., Uncertain Years: Chinese-American Relations, 1947-1950 (New York, 1980); Tang Tsou, America’s Failure in China, 1941-1950 (Chicago, 1963). For recent historiographical surveys of this period, see the essays by Nancy Bernkopf Tucker and Chen Jian in Warren Cohen, ed., Pacific Passage: The Study of American-East Asian Relations on the Eve of the Twenty-First Century (New York, 1996).

Susan Brownmiller, Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape (New York, 1976), 5, 31, and 23-118 passim. Hazel Carby is cited in Atina Grossman, “A Question of Silence: The Rape of German Women by Occupation Soldiers,” October, 72 (1995), 43-63, at 47. On interconnections between gender, race, and nationalism, see Vicki Ruiz and Ellen DuBois, eds., Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women’s History (New  York, 1994), esp. xi-xvi, and Chandra Talpade Mohanty, “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses,” in Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres, eds., Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism (Bloomington, 1991), 51-80.

6 Renwick Kennedy, “The Conqueror,” Christian Century, 63 (April 17, 1946), 495-497; see also Oswald Garrison Villard, “Our Military Disgrace Abroad,” Christian Century, 63 (June 26, 1946), 804-806; Albert Jolis, “Were GIs Good Ambassadors?” Common Sense, 15 (Jan. 1946), 28-30; and Ashley Montagu, “Selling America Short,” Saturday Review of Literature (July 26, 1952), 22-23.

7 New York Times, July 14, 1946, p. 1; ibid. (editorial), July 15, 1946, p. 24; “Army Acts to Improve Conduct in Japan,” Christian Century, 63 (Aug. 7, 1946), 956; New York Times, March 6, 1946, p. 7. On sentencing in separate cases of GIs for the rape of Japanese women, see Pacific Stars and Stripes (Tokyo), July 12, 1946, p. 4, and New York Times, Dec. 25, 1946, p. 30. Eichelberger’s earlier order banning GIs from walking on the streets with their arms around Japanese women seems to have been based partly on prudery, partly on a desire to avoid inflaming anti-U.S. sentiment, and partly on the unseemliness to Americans at home of literally embracing our recent enemy; see Eichelberger, memorandum to 8th Army commanders, March 23, 1946, box 433, Records of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Record Group 331, National Archives, College Park, Md. Tanaka, Hidden Horrors, 103, presents evidence from Japanese sources of mass rape by U.S. soldiers in Okinawa and elsewhere in Japan as the war was ending. For a different view, see the thoughtful comments on GIs, prostitution, and sexual relations in Theodore Cohen, Remaking Japan: The Occupation as New Deal, ed. by Herbert Passin (New York, 1987), 119-136.

Novelist Pearl Buck made the theme of sex and war central to her description of the American occupation army in Japan in The Hidden Flower (New York, 1952). In a passage that anticipated Brownmiller’s analysis, Buck wrote of her main character: “[T]he subjection of a conquered country had changed him as it changes all men. There are men who feel compelled to force conquered women to submit to them, it is the final phase of war, the completion of personal victory” (p. 224); Brownmiller, Against Our Will, 27: “rape is the act of a conqueror.” See also J. Glenn Gray, The Warriors: Reflections on Men in Battle (1959, New York, 1967), 66-67.

8 “GI Welcome Mat Wears Out in China,” Amerasia, 10 (1946), 173-174. For similar comments and concerns, see Melby, The Mandate of Heaven, 229; Pearl Buck, “Our Last Chance in China,” Common Sense, 13 (1944), 265-268; and Harold Isaacs, No Peace With Asia (New York, 1947), chapter 1. For a positive interpretation of the interaction of GIs and the Chinese people, see William Lockwood, “The G.I. in Wartime China,” Far Eastern Survey, 16 (Jan. 15, 1947), 9-11.

9 See “Record of Proceedings of a General Court Martial Convened at Headquarters, Fifth Marines, Peiping, China: Case of William G. Pierson, January 17, 1947” (811.32/1-1748 [sic]), box 5044, General Records of the Department of State, Record Group 59, National Archives, College Park, Md. (hereafter Court Martial, Pierson), and “Marine Faces Life for Rape if Finding Stands,” New York Herald-Tribune, Jan. 23, 1947, p. 24.

10  For an accessible account of the initial student demonstrations, see “Chinese Paraders Ask Marines To Go,” New York Times, Dec. 31, 1946, p. 6. This dispatch quoted a headline in an independent Shanghai newspaper: “What Japanese Troops Did Not Do, American Troops Are Doing.” For translations of early accounts in the Chinese press, see U.S. Embassy, Nanking, Chinese Press Review, #196 (Dec. 31, 1946), 3, and U.S. Consulate, Peiping, Chinese Press Review, #232 (Dec. 31, 1946), 2. See also Jack Belden, China Shakes the World (1949; New York, 1970), 11-13.

11 See Cook, “Penetration and Neocolonialism,” and Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeenth Century China (Stanford, Calif., 1994), 1-2. For related comments on prostitution and China’s weakness in the international arena, see Gail Hershatter, Dangerous Pleasures: Prostitution and Modernity in Twentieth-Century Shanghai (Berkeley, 1997), 265-267. Imperial Russian and German troops engaged in widespread raping as well as looting in putting down the Boxer Rebellion; see Stuart Creighton Miller, “Ends and Means: Missionary Justification of Force in Nineteenth Century China,” in John King Fairbank, ed., The Missionary Enterprise in China and America (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 249-282, at 275.

On the prewar identification in the Western mind of Shanghai with sexual licentiousness, prostitution, and the availability of Chinese women for Western soldiers, sailors, and other travelers, see Hershatter, Dangerous Pleasures, 55-56, 234; Frederic Wakeman, Jr., Policing Shanghai, 1927-1937 (Berkeley, 1995), 109-110; and the contemporary source, All About Shanghai and Environs: A Standard Guide Book, Edition 1934-35 (reprint edition, Taipei, 1973), 73-77.

12 Letter, China Weekly Review (Shanghai), Jan. 25, 1947, pp. 207-208; U.S. Consulate, Shanghai, Chinese Press Review, #239 (an. 3, 1947), 5; “Students’ Strike in Protest Against American Marines’ Violent Act…” enclosure to M. S. Myers to J. Leighton Stuart, Jan. 25, 1947 (811.22/1-1547), box 4607, State Department Papers, 1945-1949, RG 59, NA; Hershatter, Dangerous Pleasures, 293-294. See also U.S. Embassy, Nanking, Chinese Press Review, #198 (Jan. 3, 1947), 4.

13 “Students’ Strike in Protest Against American Marines’ Violent Act…” RG 59, NA. On other actions of GIs that caused injury or death to Chinese civilians, see U.S. Consulate, Peiping, Chinese Press Review, #229 (Dec. 27, 1946), 1, 3; #230 (Dec. 28, 1946), 3; #231 (Dec. 30, 1946), 6; and #242 (Jan. 13, 1947), 3. For efforts by the U.S. Marine Corps to reduce such traffic injuries and fatalities, see “Tientsin Safety Drive Underway,” North China Marine (Tientsin), Dec. 14, 1946, p. 1; “Caution Costs Little, Saves Lives,” ibid., Dec. 14, 1946, p. 3; and “Drivers’ Licenses to be Reviewed,” ibid., March 8, 1947, p. 1. On similar problems in the Philippines that complicated U.S. efforts to obtain long-term military bases, see U.S. War Department, Intelligence Review, #38 (Oct. 31, 1946), 17, and #51 (Feb. 6, 1947), 12-13, and William Winter, “Military Bases in the Philippines,” York Gazette, Jan. 2, 1947, p. 17. On a more recent U.S. Marine Corps aircraft “crew error” that caused the death of twenty people in Italy, see New York Times, Feb. 12, 1998, A7, and March 13, 1998, A3.

14 See the mimeographed translations under the title Chinese Press Review prepared by the U.S. Embassy in Nanjing and the consulates in Beijing, Shanghai, and Kunming, from Dec. 26, 1946, to Jan. 20, 1947. See also Frank Tsao, “A Review and Study of the Student Demonstrations,” China Weekly Review, Jan. 18, 1947, p. 194. On the actions of the American professors, see U.S. Consulate, Peiping, Chinese Press Review, #232 (Dec. 31, 1946), 3; #233 (Jan. 2, 1947), 5; and #236 (Jan. 6, 1947), 4.

15 Reported in China Weekly Review, Feb. 22, 1947, p. 323.

16 For a contemporary account, see H. J. Timperley, What War Means: The Japanese Terror in China (London, 1938); see also Iris Chang, The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II (New York, 1997).

17 Israel Epstein, The Unfinished Revolution in China (Boston, 1947), 394-395.

18 “Extraterritoriality” was a system, established in the 1840s after the British victory over China in the Opium Wars, in which foreigners accused of crimes in China would not be subject to Chinese law but to foreign courts in the treaty ports. The United States gave up this privilege in a well-publicized wartime treaty with China signed in January 1943, although within a few months a new agreement quietly exempted U.S. military personnel from the treaty’s provisions. See John King Fairbank, The United States and China (Cambridge, Mass., 1983), 167, 337.

19 U.S. Consulate, Peiping, Chinese Press Review, #243 (Jan. 14, 1947), 3, #245 (Jan. 16, 1947), 4, and #246 (Jan. 17, 1947), 3. See also Charles Canning, “Peiping Rape Case Has Deep Social, Political Background,” China Weekly Review, Jan. 11, 1947, p. 166; New York Herald-Tribune, Dec. 30, 1946, p. 3; ibid., Jan. 1. 1947, p. 8, which reported that the accused claimed his sexual relations with the young woman were “on a professional basis”; ibid.,

Jan. 3, 1947, p. 8; U.S. Consulate, Shanghai, Chinese Press Review, #242 (Jan.7 , 1947), 6, in which Hu Shi (Hu Shih) denied such claims.

20 James Speer II, “Memorandum,” Jan. 3, 1947, attachment to Myers to Stuart, Jan. 15, 1947 (811.22/1-1547), box 4607, RG 59, NA. For a contemporary account of GMD Army rapes and sexual harassment of peasant women by landlords, see Belden, China Shakes the World, 155-156. For reports that differentiated between treatment of peasant women by the Red Army from treatment by the GMD, see Belden, 334; Edgar Snow, Red Star Over China (1938; New York, 1968), 259; Helen Foster Snow (Nym Wales), Inside Red China (1939; New York, 1979), 39-40. For a U.S. Marine Corps report from China that noted that “moral standards among Communist troops are exceptionally high” regarding sexual issues, see Ernest Price, “Memorandum for the Commanding General: Communists and Communism in Shantung,” typescript, Nov. 30, 1945, in box 22, World War II Geographical Area Files, Records of the U.S. Marine Corps, Record Group 127, National Archives, College Park, Md.

21 U.S. Consulate, Peiping, Chinese Press Review,# 233 (Jan. 2, 1947), 7-8, quotes a professor at Beijing National University, “who had recently returned from America, [and] said that in his opinion, the Americans are less cultured people than the Chinese.” See also T. M. Chao to Stuart, June 26, 1948, in box 23, RG 127, NA, for complaints about marines occupying the National University of Shandong.

22 “Rape Cases and Rape Cases” China Weekly Review, June 28, 1947, pp. 103-104. On the relationship between chastity and rape in imperial China, see Vivien Ng, “Ideology and Sexuality: Rape Laws in Qing China,” Journal of Asian Studies, 46 (1987), 57-70.

23 Cynthia Enloe, “Spoils of War,” Ms., 6 (March-April 1996), 15; V. Spike Peterson and Anne Sisson Runyan, Global Gender Issues (Boulder, Colo., 1993), 132ff.; Katha Pollitt, “Cultural Rights and Wrongs: Whose Culture?” Boston Review (Oct.- Nov. 1997), 29. For a case study of these ideas in the Chinese context, see Gael Graham, “The ‘Cumberland’ Incident of 1928: Gender, Nationalism, and Social Change in American Mission Schools in China” Journal of Women’s History, 6 (1994), 35-61.

24 Ma Yinchu (Ma Yin-chu), “The People Demand Immediate Withdrawal of U.S. Troops,” China Digest (Hong Kong), 1 (Jan. 28, 1947), 10.

25 U.S. Consulate, Shanghai, Chinese Press Review, #242 (Jan. 6, 1947), 9, and #239 (Jan. 3, 1947), 5; “Chinese Paraders Ask Marines To Go,” New York Times, Dec. 31, 1946, p. 6; Far East Spotlight, 2 (March 1947), 8.

26 See, e.g., Townsend Hoopes and Douglas Brinkley, Driven Patriot: The Life and Times of James Forrestal (New York, 1992), 304-309, and Secretary of War Robert Patterson to Dean Acheson, Dec. 17, 1946 (893.00/12-1746), microfilm LM069, reel 4, RG 59, NA. Of course, the positions of the War, Navy, and State departments were by no means static in these years. General Joseph Stilwell had major differences with Jiang that had led to his recall in October 1944, and he opposed continued military aid to Jiang after the war with Japan ended, while Ambassador Patrick Hurley had strongly backed military aid to Jiang against the CCP until his resignation in November 1945; see Michael Schaller, The U.S. Crusade in China, 1938-1945 (New York, 1979), 173-174, 286-288, 300.

27 Robert Streeper to William Uphouse, Dec. 17, 1946, copy, enclosure no. 2 in dispatch, W. Walton Butterworth to Secretary of State, Jan. 10, 1947 (811.22/ 1-1047), box 4607, RG 59, NA. Of course, some U.S. military officials were also concerned about prostitution’s impact on the venereal disease rate of American soldiers and sailors; see Lt. Gen. Louis Woods, Oral History Transcript, 318-319, U.S. Marine Corps Historical Center, Washington (D.C.) Navy Yard; and Hershatter, Dangerous Pleasures, 301.

28 A. D. Cereghino, memoranda, Jan. 6, 1947, and Jan. 10, 1947, box 23, World War II Geographical Area Files, RG 127, NA.

29 “Marine Corps, Army in China to Be, Withdrawn,” North China Marine, Feb. 1, 1947, p. 1; “Peiping Sees Students in Mass Protest,” ibid., March 22, 1947, p. 3; “Scoops and Salty,” ibid., Feb. 1, 1947, p. 5, and Feb. 15, 1947, p.. 5; William Summers, “The Chaplain Speaks,” ibid., Jan. 25, 1947, p. 8.

30Myers to Stuart, Jan. 15, 1947 (811.22/1-1547), box 4607, RG 59, NA. A U.S. Army official made a strikingly similar comment to Brownmiller twenty-six years later. No matter what information he gave her on GI rapes in Vietnam, he said, “some people will say the Army is a bunch of criminals and the rest will say we run kangaroo courts”; see Brownmiller, Against Our Will, 102.

31 Stuart to Secretary of State, April 22, 1947, U.S. Dept. of State, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1947 (8 vols., Washington, D.C., 1971-1973), 7: 105-107. Stuart had earlier been president of Yanjing University, whose students actively participated in the demonstrations.

32 Compare Myers to Secretary of State, Dec. 29, 1946, and two telegrams of Dec. 30, 1946, Foreign Relations, 1947, 7: 1-4. Dagong Bao lampooned the “panic” that the incident unleashed in the U.S. Consulate in Beijing, with frantic efforts by radio listening posts to detect broadcasts from the CCP directing the protests; see U.S. Consulate, Peiping, Chinese Press Review, #233 (Jan. 2, 1947), 6.

33See especially Stuart to Secretary of State, Jan. 8, 1947, Foreign Relations, 1947, 7: 13-15, and Butterworth to Secretary of State, Jan. 9, 1947 (893.00/1-947), microfilm LM069, reel 5, RG 59, NA. While couched in more moderate language, some of the consular reports tended to agree with Charles Canning, who in the China Weekly Review, Jan. 11, 1947, pp. 166-167, argued that the CCP was not so powerful “that they were able to ‘instigate’ in a few days a nation-wide mass movement, which had the participation and backing of the majority of Chinese students and intellectuals.”

34 Secretary of State to Stuart, Jan. 4, 1947, and Stuart to Secretary of State, Jan. 8, 1947, in Foreign Relations, 1947, 7: 5-6 and 7: 12-15; see also Stuart to Secretary of State, Dec. 17, 1946 (893.00/12-1746), and Dec. 19, 1946 (893.00/12- 1946), microfilm LM069, reel 4, RG 59; U.S. War Department, Intelligence Review, #47 (Jan. 9, 1947), 13-15. The CCP did, in fact, laud the student demonstrations; see Stuart to Secretary of State, Jan. 16, 1947 (893.00/1-1647), and Jan. 21, 1947 (893.00/1-2147), microfilm LM069, reel 5, RG 59, NA; and U.S. Consulate,

Peiping, Chinese Press Review, #239 (Jan. 9, 1947), 7. Yick, Making Urban Revolution in China, 96-102, emphasizes the leadership of communist urban underground students in this movement.

35“American Officials View Demonstrations Lightly,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, Jan. 4, 1947, p. 4; “Soong Orders Demonstrations in China Halted,” New York Herald-Tribune, Jan. 5, 1947, p. 6; Secretary of State (Byrnes) to Stuart, Jan. 4, 1947, Stuart to Secretary of State, Jan. 8, 1947, both in Foreign Relations, 1947, 7: 5-6 and 7:12-15.

36 On the history of student protests in China, see Wasserstrom, Student Protests in Twentieth Century China; Vera Schwarcz, The Chinese Enlightenment: Intellectuals and the Legacy of the May Fourth Movement of 1919 (Berkeley, 1986); and Hans Schmidt, “Democracy for China: American Propaganda and the May Fourth Movement,” Diplomatic History, 22 (1998), 1-28. For a first-person account of the 1935 anti-Japanese protests, see Helen Foster Snow, My China Years (New York, 1984), 160-164. For contemporary accounts of student activities and attitudes in the post-war years, see Robert Payne, China Awake (New York, 1947), esp. 199-280, and Derk Bodde, Peking Diary, 1948-1949: A Year of Revolution (1950; New York, 1967), esp. 55-57. For two of the many comparisons in the Chinese press between the 1946-1947 protests and previous student activities, see U.S. Consulate, Peiping, Chinese Press Review, #238 (Jan. 8, 1947), 5, and U.S. Consulate, Shanghai, Chinese Press Review, #258 (Jan. 29, 1947), 5.

37 See “Statement by President Truman on United States Policy Toward China, December 18, 1946,” and “Personal Statement by the Special Representative of the President (Marshall), January 7, 1947,” both in Lyman Van Slyke, ed., The China White Paper, August 1949 (1949; 2 vols., Stanford, Calif., 1967), 2: 686-694. On Chinese press reaction to Truman’s speech, see Stuart to Secretary of State, Dec. 23, 1946 (893.00/12-2346), microfilm LM069, reel 4, RG 59, NA.

38 U.S. Consulate, Shanghai, Chinese Press Review, #244 (Jan. 9, 1947), 7; see also ibid., #243 (an. 8, 1947), 6. An early overview of U.S. policy in China agreed that the rape case influenced Marshall; see Griggs, Americans in China, 14, 25-30.

“Press Release Issued by the Department of State, January 29, 1947,” China White Paper, 2: 695. Some American conservatives in Congress, who undoubtedly interpreted Marshall’s abandonment of his mission in the context of this Chinese movement against the presence of U.S. troops, and who feared that his statement presaged continued

military pullout, called for the United States to keep its soldiers in China; see the Washington Post, Jan. 12, 1947, p. 5M.

39 Stuart to Secretary of State, Jan. 2, 1947, Foreign Relations, 1947, 7: 4-5; United Press dispatch, Washington Post, Jan. 4, 1947, p. 5. Forrest Pogue, in George C. Marshall: Statesman, 1945-1949 (New York, 1987), 137, states that Marshall, confronted by demonstrators, asked for an interpreter so that he could talk with them. When the interpreter, a U.S. marine in uniform, appeared, Marshall reportedly fumed, “What are you thinking about, getting a Marine up here to be an interpreter for an anti-Marine demonstration?” Unfortunately, neither of the footnotes Pogue supplies discuss the incident in this fashion.

40 See “Personal Statement by the Special Representative of the President, January 7, 1947,” China White Paper, 1: 686-689. For a typical U.S. press account of Marshall’s return, see New York Times, Jan. 12, 1947, sec. 4, p. 2; for one account in which Marshall commented on the demonstrations and refused to blame the CCP for instigating them, see Pacific Stars and Stripes, Jan. 13, 1947, p. 4.

41 See especially Gold telegrams #1902 (Jan. 4, 1947), #1924 (Jan. 10, 1947), and #1962 (an. 20, 1947), and Ming telegram #115 (Jan. 14, 1947), George Marshall Archives, George Marshall Research Foundation, Lexington, Va. For selections, see Dennis Merrill, ed., Documentary History of the Truman Presidency, Volume 6: The Chinese Civil War: General George C. Marshall’s Mission to China, 1945-1947 (7 vols., Bethesda, Md., 1995), especially Gold telegrams #1804 (Nov. 23, 1946), 306, and #1891 (Dec. 28, 1946), 335-338. See also “Marine Corps, Army in China to Be Withdrawn,” North China Marine, Feb. 1, 1947, p. 1.

42 See also Dean Acheson to Truman, July 30, 1949, in China White Paper, 1: xvi, that one reason the United States did not commit large numbers of ground forces to the civil war against the Chinese communists was that “Intervention of such a scope and magnitude would have been resented by the mass of the Chinese people.”

43“China: Nasty Words” Newsweek,29 (Jan. 13, 1947), 40-42; see also Pacific Stars and Stripes (Tokyo), Jan. 20, 1947, p. 2, on departing Marines who said that the Chinese people gave them a “hearty send-off.” One Marine Corps

commander later recalled that the GIs in North China “didn’t know why they were out there,” and “they all wanted to go home-the officers and the men.” See Woods, Oral History Transcript, 318-319.