以下为英文原文：

We have the subtopics of reform, reforming institutions like the UN Security Council, the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO. But I think under current circumstances that is not possible at all. This is just a dream that will not be fulfilled in the world that we live in, at least for the foreseeable future.

In fact, I think that as things stand, the situation will only get worse, progressively. And therefore, we have to think about alternatives, and about alternative institutions. Multi-polarity that we’re speaking of is a form or an extension of decolonization, and so just as important as the issue of financial transactions, and the weaponization of the dollar, and the commodity markets that we’ve been hearing today; stands the issue of media, social media, the current social media platforms controlled by the United States, the Internet, Artificial Intelligence, whether it’s ChatGPT, OpenAI, or anything else that comes up in the coming months and years.

And also what Professor Wu alluded to, the fact that universities in the Global South and among the emerging institutions like BRICS+, they have very little interaction with one another. And our interaction, even in Iran, our interaction mainly is with Western academia and Western universities. Ironically, after 40 some years of sanctions and war and death and destruction, that still is the case. And there is no doubt that just as the dollar financial institutions have been weaponized, and just as they have a monopoly over the commodity markets, which is extraordinary in itself.

And I think not only BRICS, but the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Belt and Road Initiative – all of these have to be thinking about these issues together, those people involved in these. Unless we have the means to deal with these issues that I named, they will be further weaponized, and they are already weaponized. All Iranian media is sanctioned, everything, whether Arabic, English, or Persian. Persian media is sanctioned, so Iranians have difficulty in giving information to the world beyond. And we see this happen now with Russian. Obviously, progressively the same will happen with China. They will try to limit China, try to isolate China economically, and in the realms of soft power, we will see the same. That’s what they’ve done to us. And it didn’t happen overnight with regard to Iran. It took decades to reach where we are today. But as the West, the collective West or the United States began to feel more pressure, I think that they are going to become more irrational, more swift in the way in which they try to marginalize adversaries.

I think they are going to spread their resources across the board to simultaneously deal with different countries, even countries that are not going to be directly sanctioned will be sanctioned, because they won’t be limited in their interaction with countries across the Global South. So even those countries that think that they are not impacted, they are going to be impacted.

So if we don’t deal with the source or the means of accessing information, we are going to continue to live in the Eurocentric and Western-centric world. My information about China - very bluntly - comes from the West. And sometimes I may contact friends and colleagues here in China on WeChat and ask them, what is the reality behind? What is being said? Your information, I think, everyone in this room, I can say without a doubt that your information on Iran does not come from Iran for the most part. It’s impossible. My own information about Iran sometimes doesn’t come from Iran. I wake up in the morning, and someone calls me from somewhere across the world and says what happened to so-on-sos and what so-on-sos… And I have to go and look it up, and then I find out either it’s not true or it’s something different or it’s twisted.

And so, unless we deal with this, this is going to even impact the economy. Because, for example, my own students or my colleagues… I’m censored, because I’ve been removed from all Meta platforms, like Facebook and Instagram. My students, many have; others come to me and say, so-on-so, we saw, for example, your tweet. But I can’t like it. Because I’m afraid tomorrow if I want to go to a conference or I want to continue my education somewhere, they’re going to check all of my social media and they’ll refuse me the visa.

This self-censorship is just like we see in the economy. When they sanction Iran, Iran has problems even importing medicine. Because officially, it’s not sanctioned, but the Americans and the Europeans carry out the sanctions in a way to make sure that medicine can’t come in either. That’s an objective. It’s not a mistake. When they, for example, when many young Iranians lose their accounts, they have to change their phone number to get another account. So they’re going to keep doing this over and over again, and automatically that self-censorship creates a bigger problem. The censorship is a problem at one layer, the self-censorship makes it a larger problem. These are just like the sanctions. The sanctions create a problem at one layer, but the sanctions also create a second layer where we ourselves implement the sanctions regime more than what is officially dictated to us for self-preservation.

So I think that this is, if not more important than the sanctions itself, it’s as important. We have the genocide in Gaza, we have what’s going on in Venezuela, we have multiple wars, we had Syria, we have Libya, we have examples of all forms of Western oppression and suppression, whether economic warfare, war, and Dirty War, all of these combined. But when Nicolás Maduro, the president of Venezuela, he had his Twitter account knocked out by not the government of the United States, but just some billionaire who wanted to take his part in the war against the Global South.

Then I think that, this means we have to be very swift in bringing about change. Our complacency will ultimately result in a worsening situation for all of us. In the morning, it was said that this was a political decision. The issue is much more problematic than most people think, and it’s much more dangerous than most people think, because I think we are going very rapidly down a hill, and if we don’t have a solution for when we get to the bottom of the hill, it is going to be a major crisis for everyone.

It’s not just Russian or Iranian. It’s Syrian media. It’s Yemeni media, it’s Lebanese media, it’s much of Iraqi media and many hundreds of thousands, if not millions of users, who have been removed in Latin America, they have their own problems with media.

Iran has its own social media platforms, but these are just small islands. If we don’t have something that is collective, that different countries and different people can communicate, then we are going to remain these separate islands. And it is more easy, not only to isolate us at the social and national level, but they will be able to more easily isolate us economically through these powerful means.

I think social media platforms, scholarship programs, academic cooperation – all these have to be seen within the context of BRICS and BRICS really doesn’t have much time. It’s not just because of the situation that the world is falling into, but also what Maria touched upon earlier: What do we get from BRICS? Once upon a time when I was still very young, we had the Non-Aligned Movement. It’s not a fair comparison. It’s not an excellent comparison. But now today, the Non-Aligned Movement really isn’t very effective. It's just a name. Many people haven’t even heard of it, because it no longer has the impact that it did when I was young. We live in a different time, we live in a different world. As was said earlier, there are those new technologies and new ways forward. So if BRICS doesn’t succeed soon to create an incentive, then I think the whole notion of BRICS would end up just as a club of leaders who sit together once a year. And that’s basically it.

I think that is an incentive in itself to tell leaders and to inform leaders that if you don’t take real steps, then ultimately, it’s going to be like the examples that you gave, where you push and push, and you have 200 pages of turned into 20 pages. And at the end of the day, you don’t get anything that you want. And then some Western leader will say we did such great work to reform our international institutions, and the complacency will go on.

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